Period 7: 1890 to 1945
AP United States History Topic 7 7:41 English narration · English + 中文 subtitles burned in
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Transcript
This is the longest period on the course and the densest, and students drown in it because they try to remember it as one story.
这是课程中时间最长、内容最密集的一个时期， 学生之所以被淹没， 是因为想把它当作一个故事来记。
It is three.
其实是三个。
Federal power grows in the economy.
联邦权力在经济中扩张。
Mass culture arrives and provokes a backlash.
大众文化到来，并引发反弹。
And the country becomes a global power.
国家成为全球强权。
Every question in this period is really asking about one of those three storylines, so decide which one before you write.
这一时期的每一道题， 问的其实都是这三条线索之一， 所以动笔之前先判断是哪一条。
Start abroad.
先看海外。
New territorial ambitions grew out of a search for markets, naval strategy, and beliefs about national mission, and victory in the Spanish-American War handed the United States overseas possessions.
新的领土野心来自对市场的追逐、海军战略， 以及关于国家使命的信念， 而美西战争的胜利 让美国拥有了海外属地。
That forced a genuine argument, and the argument is the examinable point.
这迫使一场真正的辩论发生， 而这场辩论正是考点。
Supporters argued markets, strategic bases, and a civilising mission.
支持者的理由是市场、战略基地和开化使命。
Opponents argued that ruling people without their consent contradicted the country's founding principles, and some argued on racial or economic grounds.
反对者认为， 未经被统治者同意而统治他人， 与这个国家的建国原则相矛盾， 也有人从种族或经济角度反对。
A strong answer contains both positions.
好的答案会同时包含两种立场。
A one-sided answer has missed what the question is for.
只讲一面的答案， 就错过了这道题的用意。
At home, the country continued its transition from a rural agricultural economy to an urban industrial one, and Progressives responded.
在国内，这个国家继续 从乡村农业经济向城市工业经济转变， 进步主义者作出了回应。
Progressivism is not a single programme, so do not try to list it.
进步主义不是单一的纲领， 所以不要试图罗列。
Treat it as a method, in three steps.
把它当作一种方法，分三步。
Use expertise and evidence to diagnose the problem — that is what muckraking journalists and social surveys were for.
用专业知识与证据诊断问题， 这正是揭黑记者与社会调查的作用。
Then use government to fix it: regulation of food, drugs, working conditions and monopolies.
然后用政府去解决： 管制食品、药品、劳动条件与垄断。
Then reform politics itself, through the direct primary, the initiative and referendum, and direct election of senators.
再改革政治本身， 通过直接初选、创制与复决， 以及参议员直选。
And its limits are examinable too.
它的局限同样是考点。
Progressive reform largely excluded African Americans, and some Progressives supported segregation and immigration restriction.
进步主义改革在很大程度上把非裔美国人排除在外， 有些进步主义者支持种族隔离与限制移民。
World War I and its aftermath, next, including the postwar diplomacy that followed it.
接下来是第一次世界大战及其余波，包括随之而来的战后外交。
Entry into the First World War mobilised the economy and expanded federal power.
参加第一次世界大战动员了经济， 扩大了联邦权力。
It also intensified debates about the nation's role in the world and, at home, about civil liberties, where dissent was prosecuted.
它也加剧了关于国家在世界上角色的争论， 以及国内关于公民自由的争论， 异见受到起诉。
And it triggered the Great Migration, as African Americans moved north for wartime industrial jobs, reshaping northern cities and northern politics.
它还引发了大迁徙， 非裔美国人北上从事战时工业工作， 重塑了北方城市与北方政治。
Afterwards the United States pursued a unilateral foreign policy: rejecting the League of Nations while remaining economically engaged abroad.
战后，美国推行单边外交政策： 拒绝加入国际联盟， 同时在经济上继续与外部往来。
Not isolation. Engagement without commitment.
这不是孤立主义， 而是有往来但不承担义务。
The 1920s are best remembered as one decade doing two opposite things.
二十年代最好被记成 一个十年同时做着两件相反的事。
Innovations in communication and technology — radio, film, mass-circulation magazines, the automobile — built a mass culture that increasingly set national tastes.
通信与技术的革新， 收音机、电影、大发行量杂志和汽车， 塑造了越来越能决定全国口味的大众文化。
And the same decade produced sharp divisions about what the country should be: immigration restriction through national-origins quotas, conflict over religion and science and over prohibition, and a revived Ku Klux Klan.
而同一个十年也带来了 关于这个国家应该是什么样子的尖锐分歧： 通过民族来源配额限制移民， 围绕宗教与科学、 以及禁酒令的冲突， 还有重新兴起的三K党。
Meanwhile the Harlem Renaissance and the New Woman asserted new identities against exactly that pressure.
与此同时，哈莱姆文艺复兴与"新女性" 正是在这种压力下主张新的身份认同。
National tastes and national quarrels, from the same machinery.
全国的口味与全国的争吵， 出自同一套机器。
Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal was the answer.
富兰克林·罗斯福的新政就是那个回应。
The Great Depression brought mass unemployment and social dislocation, and policymakers answered by expanding the federal role in the economy.
大萧条带来大规模失业与社会失序， 决策者的回应是扩大联邦在经济中的角色。
Roosevelt's New Deal is a list unless you sort it, so sort it by purpose: relief, recovery, reform.
罗斯福新政如果不分类，就只是一份清单， 所以按目的分类： 救济、复苏、改革。
Relief is money now.
救济是马上给钱。
Recovery is restarting the economy.
复苏是让经济重新运转。
Reform is making it not happen again.
改革是让它不再发生。
Radical, union and populist movements pushed Roosevelt toward more extensive measures, which is why the second New Deal is more ambitious than the first.
激进派、工会与民粹运动 推动罗斯福采取更广泛的措施， 这正是第二次新政比第一次更有雄心的原因。
And state the CED's verdict directly, because examiners reward it: the New Deal did not end the Depression, but it left a lasting legacy of reform — Social Security, federal deposit insurance, labour rights, and the expectation that government is responsible for economic security.
而且要直接说出课程大纲的结论， 因为阅卷者会给分： 新政没有终结大萧条， 但留下了持久的改革遗产， 社会保障、联邦存款保险、劳工权利， 以及政府应对经济安全负责的期待。
Americans viewed the Second World War as a fight for the survival of freedom and democracy against fascist aggression, and mass mobilization helped end the Great Depression that eight years of policy had not.
美国人把第二次世界大战看作 为自由与民主的存续 而对抗法西斯侵略的战斗， 而全面动员帮助结束了大萧条， 八年的政策都没能做到这一点。
Now the complexity mark.
现在是复杂性得分点。
Mobilisation and military service gave women and minorities real opportunities to improve their status, and those opportunities existed inside continued segregation and discrimination.
动员与服役给了妇女与少数族裔 真实的改善地位的机会， 而这些机会存在于 持续的种族隔离与歧视之中。
Real and limited.
既真实又有限。
Say both.
两点都要说。
Migration from Mexico and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere rose to meet labour demand, and Japanese Americans were forcibly interned — the period's clearest case of wartime rights denied.
来自墨西哥及西半球其他地区的移民 因劳动力需求而增加， 日裔美国人则被强制拘禁， 这是本时期战时权利被剥夺最清楚的例子。
Victory came through Allied cooperation, industrial capacity and technological advantage, and ended with the use of atomic weapons against Japan.
胜利来自盟国合作、工业能力与技术优势， 并以对日本使用原子武器告终。
1945 is not a pause.
一九四五年不是停顿。
Asia and Europe were war-ravaged, and the United States had played the dominant role in the Allied victory and in the occupations that followed.
亚洲与欧洲饱受战火摧残， 而美国在盟国胜利以及随后的占领中 扮演了主导角色。
That left the United States as the strongest power in the world.
这使美国成为世界上最强的国家。
Postwar diplomacy therefore starts from American strength, not from a return to the 1920s.
因此战后外交从美国的实力出发， 而不是回到二十年代。
And it set up the confrontation with the Soviet Union that Period 8 begins with.
它也为与苏联的对抗铺好了路， 那正是第八时期的开端。
Period 7 ends already standing in Period 8's opening.
第七时期结束时， 已经站在第八时期的门口。
The period's reasoning skill is comparison, and the most useful pairing is Progressive-era reform against the New Deal.
本时期的推理技能是比较， 最有用的一组对照 是进步时代的改革与新政。
Both expanded federal power.
两者都扩大了联邦权力。
The New Deal did it on a far larger scale, and in response to collapse rather than to growth.
新政的规模大得多， 而且是对崩溃而非对增长的回应。
That single sentence is a comparison thesis.
这一句话本身就是一个比较论点。
And when a prompt asks about beliefs about threats to the United States, reach for the same three pieces of evidence every time: wartime restrictions on dissent, immigration quotas in the 1920s, and the internment of Japanese Americans.
当题目问到 关于美国面临威胁的信念时， 每次都用同样三项证据： 战时对异见的限制、 二十年代的移民配额、 以及对日裔美国人的拘禁。
The prompt is about beliefs, so your evidence must be things beliefs caused.
题目问的是信念， 所以证据必须是信念所导致的事情。
Here is the shape of a threat essay.
这就是威胁题的写法。
The 2024 long essay asked you to evaluate the extent to which beliefs about threats to the United States shaped society from 1917 to 1945.
二零二四年的长论文要求你评价： 关于美国面临威胁的信念， 在一九一七到一九四五年在多大程度上塑造了社会。
A strong thesis names those beliefs and what they were producing: wartime restrictions on dissent, immigration quotas in the 1920s, and the internment of Japanese Americans.
有力的论点要说出这些信念，以及它们正在造成什么： 战时对异见的限制、 二十年代的移民配额、 以及对日裔美国人的拘禁。
The trap is a war narrative.
陷阱是写成战争叙事。
Evidence must be things beliefs caused — policies and social changes — not simply a story of the wars.
证据必须是信念所导致的事情—— 政策与社会变化—— 而不是单纯的战争故事。
Five things to carry out.
带走五件事。
First, give both sides of the imperialism debate.
第一，帝国主义之争要讲两面。
Second, Progressivism is a method, and its exclusion of African Americans is examinable.
第二，进步主义是一种方法， 它对非裔美国人的排除是考点。
Third, sort the New Deal by relief, recovery, reform, and state that it did not end the Depression.
第三，把新政按救济、复苏、改革分类， 并说明它没有终结大萧条。
Fourth, wartime opportunity was real and limited.
第四，战时的机会既真实又有限。
Fifth, for threat prompts use civil liberties, quotas and internment.
第五，关于威胁的题目， 用公民自由、移民配额与拘禁作证据。