Extract. In February 2003 London introduced a congestion charge: drivers paid £5 a day to drive into central London on weekdays. In the first year traffic entering the zone fell by about 18% and delays fell by about 30%. Bus services improved, as buses were no longer stuck in traffic. The charge rose in steps and has been £15 since June 2020. Transport for London spends the revenue on public transport. Critics argue that a flat charge takes a larger share of a low income, that some small shops inside the zone lost customers, and that congestion later returned as roadworks and delivery vans increased. In January 2025 New York City became the first US city to introduce a similar charge.
Questions
- (a) Explain, using the extract, why road congestion is an example of a negative externality. [4]
- (b) Before the charge, 100,000 vehicles a day entered the zone. Using the extract, calculate the number entering after the first year, and the daily revenue at £5. [4]
- (c) With the help of a diagram, explain how a congestion charge could move the market towards the socially optimal level of road use. [6]
- (d) Examine two problems a government faces in setting the right level of a congestion charge. [8]
- (e) Evaluate whether road pricing is a better solution to congestion than building more roads. [12]
Model answers
(a) Each driver who enters a busy road slows down every other road user: buses, delivery vans and other drivers lose time and burn more fuel, and pedestrians breathe more polluted air. These are costs to third parties that the driver does not pay. So the marginal social cost of a journey is greater than its marginal private cost, and, without a charge, too many journeys are made at busy times. The extract's 30% fall in delays when traffic fell shows how large these external costs were.
(b) Vehicles after the charge $= 100{,}000 \times (1 - 0.18) = 82{,}000$ a day. Revenue $= 82{,}000 \times £5 = £410{,}000$ a day (ignoring exemptions and discounts).
(c) Use the negative-externality diagram above: the market for journeys settles where MPB = MPC, at a quantity above the social optimum where MSB = MSC. A charge equal to the marginal external cost at the optimum adds to the private cost of each journey, shifting MPC up to MSC. Drivers whose journeys are worth less than the full cost switch to buses, travel at other times or stay away, so the quantity falls to the social optimum and the welfare loss triangle is removed. The 18% fall in traffic is this movement.
(d) Measuring the external cost is hard. The cost of congestion depends on time of day, place and weather, and the value of time lost differs between people. A flat £15 charge will be too high at quiet times and too low at peak times, so it cannot match MSC everywhere. Demand responses change over time. Demand for car journeys into a city centre may be price inelastic for those with no alternative, so a charge reduces traffic less than expected; over time, the effect can wear off as incomes rise and as other causes, such as roadworks and delivery vans, add to congestion (as the extract notes). Evaluation: technology such as number-plate cameras allows charges to vary by time, which reduces the first problem; regular review of the charge reduces the second.
(e) For road pricing: it tackles the cause of the externality by making drivers pay the external cost, so the space on roads goes to journeys valued most. It raises revenue (about £410,000 a day in the example) that can fund buses and rail, giving people alternatives. It worked quickly in London: traffic fell 18% and delays 30% in a year.
For building roads: new roads add capacity without charging drivers, so they are popular and do not hurt low-income drivers. In growing cities with little road space, more capacity may be needed.
Against building roads: new roads often fill up with new traffic (induced demand) because lower congestion makes driving cheaper in time, so congestion returns. Roads are very costly, take years to build, use scarce land and raise pollution, an external cost of their own.
Against road pricing: a flat charge is regressive, and some city-centre businesses lose trade. Setting the right charge is hard (part d), and enforcement and cameras cost money. Its effect may fade without regular increases.
Judgement: road pricing is usually the better policy in dense city centres, where there is no space for new roads and public transport is a real alternative, because it targets the externality and funds alternatives. Its success depends on charges that vary with congestion and on reinvesting revenue in public transport; building roads may still be needed between cities, where road pricing is harder to apply and alternatives are fewer.
What examiners reward: the externality explained with the extract's evidence, calculations with clear working, a labelled MSC/MPC diagram used in the explanation, problems that are examined (with a counter-point), and a judgement that depends on clear conditions.